Free «Politics in the USA» Essay
The subject of Sarah Palin’s ability and competence in leading the United States as its President has s been a subject that has generated a lot of debate as the GOP primaries approached. According to Finlay, the answer to that question is yes. However, the question of whether or not she would present her candidature has remained open. A leader should be able to listen to all perspectives before making up his/her mind. Additionally, a leader must be willing to admit when he/she is wrong and is willing to take corrective actions. These are just a few of the characteristics that a good President must possess. However, Palin has not confidently demonstrated that she possesses these traits.
One of the significant traits required of a representative of the country is being well informed. It is widely believed that the Alaska representative is not particularly knowledgeable in matters concerning the United States. However, this is a capability that she can acquire if she took time to listen to both sides of issues before taking a sometimes controversial position on matters, and pay attention to those who are soundly informed in different issues. Additionally, another important trait that a President needs is a strong sense of convictions. This is a characteristic that Palin possesses, once she has fervor about something, he is willing to stick it out no matter the public backlash she receives in the process. While the Presidency is not completely out of the Governor’s grasp, it is not outside her ability to achieve it.
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The house committee in the U. S Congress is a division of the United States congressional committee that has the task of considering specified issues and report back to the respective committee. The subcommittees are formed by committees to share the responsibilities in the jurisdiction of the main committee. These committees are accountable to and operate under the guidelines established by the related committee. For instance, standing committees traditionally create subcommittees with legislative jurisdiction to assess, evaluate and report bills in the house or senate.
The general requirements for the establishment of subcommittees should be in line with the House/Senate rules. However, the specifics and power in regards to the divisions’ obligations and jurisdiction rests with the related committee. Additionally, committees have the authority to alter the number of subcommittees from one senate of congress to the next. Some committees, like the Senate and Congressional Appropriations committees, often retain the same subcommittee structures, due to their primary duties of drafting spending bills. Moreover, the respective party conferences provided in the Senate and Congress also provides their own rules, precedents and policies with respect to respective subcommittee assignments and jurisdiction.
A fundamental problem of representative democracy in the United States is how to ensure that procedural decisions are reactive to the interests of its citizens. The United State’s constitution addresses the electoral side of this predicament by establishing institutional incentives safeguards designed to make the representatives responsive to the citizens.
However, the policy making process involves more than making decisions by the legislative body and the President. Inescapably, the elected officials delegate a considerable level of their policy making authority to unelected representative bureaucrats. Because the elected representatives have limited resources that hinder their ability to monitor the agency performance, there is a possibility that the bureaucrats will fail to comply with their ideal policy preferences. This gives rise to concerns as to whether the elected political representatives can effectively ensure that the public’s policy preferences will be carried out.
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Closure is the only procedure that can be used by the Senate to bring an end to a debate on a bill without rejecting, amending or any other matter that relates to the debate. A Senator can move a motion to table an amendment, and if it receives a majority vote from the senate, the effect will be the rejection of the amendment. Consequently, the motion to table cannot be used to wind up a debate when the Senators wish to continue or enables the Senators to vote for proposals they are considering.
On the other hand, the filibuster is widely regarded as one of the Senate’s most characteristic procedural weapons. Filibustering involves the use of obstructive or dilatory tactics engaged to block measures by preventing them from coming to votes. Filibustering is possible because Senate policy place few restrictions on the Senators’ influence and opportunities in the legislative process. For instance, a Senator who seeks acknowledgment generally has an opportunity to address the floor if no other member is speaking. Additionally, there is no motion where a simple majority can end a debate and allow the Senate to vote in favor of a bill, an amendment of a resolution.
The resolution by the Constitutional Convention to create a bicameral Congress that separates the Legislative wing from the Executive was a major theme of the original American political thought. Checks and balances were emphasized as a means of safeguarding individual freedom and evading governmental tyranny. The Executive branch is held accountable by the legislators through special committees that are set up to monitor and hold the government accountable for its actions.
One of the common checks established by the legislative branch is setting up policies that mandate government to seek the approval of the Senate on departmental appointments, treaties with international counterparts, declaration of war and the enactment of taxes and allocated funds. Additionally, the legislative branch has the power to override Presidential vetoes as well as hold the power to impeach a sitting president; special house committees are tasked with the power of impeachment while the Senate committees carry out impeachment trials.
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The President’s agenda is of immense significance in setting the country’s policies. The President does have substantial influence in the agenda-setting stage of the legislative process. According to the inside job, if the president is to increase his success rate in passing economic agendas, then the executive has to set the policy agendas in favor of the President’s position. Because Presidents usually influence the agenda setting stage of the legislative process, Presidents develop their annual domestic agendas in anticipation of individual policy’s success and failure in congress. This is a significant advantage that helps the President in passing vital economic agendas.
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Additionally, factors such as political capital, expertise and information are a premium in the general agenda decisions, which enables the president to shape the legislative policies earlier in the process. Moreover, the packaging of the policy priorities increases the likelihood of adoption. This would require the President to assess the probability of success of a proposal depending on the contextual circumstances.